Sexual harassment at work

Definition of sexual harassment

Sexual harassment includes a wide range of behaviors, from stares and rude jokes to derogatory comments based on gender stereotypes, sexual assault and other acts of physical violence. Although the legal definition varies by country, it refers to unwanted and unreasonable sex-related behavior. A fairly broad definition considers sexual harassment as "any unwanted sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, verbal or physical conduct or gestures of a sexual nature, or any other conduct of a sexual nature that could reasonably be expected or considered to cause offense". Insulting others. Such harassment may be, but is not necessarily, interference with work, conditions of employment, or creating an intimidating, hostile or offensive work environment”.

Acts of sexual violence are always considered sexual harassment (as well as criminal acts). Suggestive jokes or insulting comments directed at one gender can be considered sexual harassment in the legal sense, but not always, depending on the context and frequency. And there isn't a clear line between disturbing pranks and sexual harassment. Measuring the severity of sexual harassment is even more challenging, as people respond differently to objectively identical treatment. Furthermore, women tend to apply the term sexual harassment only to more serious forms such as sexual violence.

Prevalence and trends

Survey evidence documents that sexual harassment is important for the development of comprehensive sexual harassment laws. But survey methods vary widely, and even among studies with representative samples, prevalence estimates of sexual harassment vary considerably.

Surveys use two methods to respond to experiences of sexual harassment: direct questions, in which respondents are asked to indicate whether they have been sexually harassed according to their own perception of what behaviors constitute harassment; and a behavioral experience survey, which asks respondents to indicate whether they have experienced any of the behaviors identified as sexually harassing behaviors on a list identified by the researchers.

Among other questions, behavioral survey respondents are typically asked to report whether they experienced the following unwanted or uninvited behaviors during a given period: sexual harassment, jokes, comments, questions; sexual appearance, gestures; deliberately touching, leaning, cornering; pressure to date; letters, calls, sexual materials; stalking; Pressure for sexual favors; and actual or attempted rape or assault. A meta-analysis using 55 probability samples (random selection) for the United States showed that reported incidence was almost twice as high based on behavioral surveys (58%) as on direct questions (24%).

In addition to differences in reporting methods, surveys differ significantly in time periods covered and populations surveyed. The time period requested to report sexually harassing behavior varied between studies, ranging from three months to no time period to any past experience. Some surveys are based on national samples, but more common are surveys of subgroups such as workers in specific occupations, industries, or workplaces.

Reports representative sexual harassment rates from surveys conducted in Europe and the United States Two points are clear. First, sexual harassment, especially of women, is common. For example, based on surveys in 11 northern European countries, 30-50% of women and about 10% of men have experienced sexual harassment at work. Second, rates of sexual harassment vary widely. A national survey of women in Austria found that 81% had been sexually harassed, while a national survey of women in Sweden found that only 2% had been harassed. Differences between countries may reflect cultural differences in what behaviors are considered sexual harassment, but most of the variation may be due to differences in survey methods, sampled populations, and time periods covered. For example, another national survey of women in Sweden found that 17% had experienced harassment. The two studies used different methods, with 17% based on a behavioral experience questionnaire listing several behaviors and 2% based on a single question on whether the respondent had been sexually harassed.

Methodological differences limit the ability to make cross-country comparisons or identify trends. The most reliable trend evidence comes from a survey of US government employees conducted in 1980, 1987, and 1994 using behavioral empirical methods. The share of both men and women who considered various behaviors to be sexual harassment increased over this period. For example, in 1980, 62% of women and 53% of men considered sexual harassment, jokes, and comments to be sexual harassment. By a 1994 survey, 83% of women and 73% of men considered these behaviors to be sexual harassment. Despite (or perhaps because of) this growing awareness, the share of respondents who reported that they had been sexually harassed did not decline during this period, from 42% of women in 1980 and 1987 to 44% in 1994 and 14% for men in 1980 and 1987. 15% and 19% in 1994.

Who is the victim of sexual harassment?

Although both men and women are victims of sexual harassment, data from international surveys show that the majority of victims are women. Victims were younger, employed in lower positions, mostly working with and being supervised by members of the opposite sex, and female victims were more likely to work in male-dominated occupations. Vulnerable populations such as migrant workers are particularly vulnerable to sexual harassment and other forms of abuse and violence. Sexual harassment of women is especially common in the military.

Records of legal complaints of sexual harassment provide more information about the characteristics of victims. Rates of sexual harassment per 100,000 workers calculated from complaints filed with the US EEOC show considerable variation by industry, age, and gender. Women are more vulnerable to sexual harassment than men in every industry and at every age. The risk is greatest for both men and women aged 25-44. The risk of sexual harassment is higher for women in male-dominated industries, but the risk for men does not vary with the sex composition of the industry. Rates of sexual harassment are lower for women in female-dominated industries such as education and health services but nearly double the rate for men in those industries. The rate of women in the male-dominated mining industry is 71 cases per 100,000 female workers, 31 times the rate for men.

Based on these legal complaints filed with the US EEOC, Figure 2 shows the rate of sexual harassment complaints per 100,000 female workers by age for four selected industries. The inverted U-shaped pattern shows an increase in legal charges until age 25–44 and a decline thereafter. This pattern holds for women in other industries, and in many cases for men as well, although rates of sexual harassment for men are similarly low for women.

Who are the harassers?

Before developing policies to stop sexual harassment, policymakers need to know whether sexual harassment reflects individual behavior or whether certain organizational characteristics are more conducive to such behavior. Empirical studies consistently document that most harassers are male and more likely to be at the same or higher organizational level than their victims. There is no other evidence of patterns based on social status, occupation or age, making it difficult to identify potential harassers.

A body of literature identifies organizational characteristics that create an environment in which sexually harassing behavior may exist. Key characteristics include an organization's tolerance for sexual harassment and the gender composition of the workplace, including the supervisor's gender and whether an occupation is considered traditionally male. Sexual harassment is more common in organizations with greater power differentials in hierarchical structures and in male-dominated structures such as the military.

Victims' expenses

Under US employment law, sexual harassment is a form of sexual discrimination because it alters "terms of employment, or facilities" based on sex and unreasonably interferes with employees' ability to perform their jobs. Productivity and wages of victims of sexual harassment, as well as their co-workers, are expected to be lower if sexual harassment induces unskilled turnover, increases absenteeism, and generally wastes work time as employees try to avoid interaction with harassers.

Victims of sexual harassment report a wide range of negative outcomes. There is widespread evidence of low job satisfaction, poor mental and physical health, high absenteeism, low commitment to the organization, and a high likelihood of leaving one's job. Among US federal government workers, 21% of those who had been sexually harassed reported that their productivity decreased as a result. Workers who report sexual harassment are also at risk of retaliation, resulting in lower job satisfaction and worse psychological and health outcomes.

Because sexual harassment in the workplace reduces worker productivity, victims may experience lower earnings. But sexual harassment is universally regarded as a very negative working condition, suggesting that there may be a premium paid for such working conditions, similar to the premium for jobs where workers face a high risk of death or injury, the risks are also costly. To eliminate organizations.

Thus, the direction of the relationship between risk of sexual harassment and earnings cannot be assumed a priori. And there is only limited evidence on whether earnings are affected by experiences of sexual harassment. An analysis of sexual harassment complaints filed with the US EEOC shows that workers are paid a premium for employment in jobs with a high risk of sexual harassment: $0.50 per hour for men and $0.25 for women for relative risk of sexual harassment. Those who have zero risk.